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Jacques Rancière er med Toke Lykkeberg Nielsens ord "en af Frankrigs største og mest respekterede filosoffer". Ranciére er først og fremmest en politisk tænker, og hovedværkerne i den henseende er La nuit des prolétaires (Proletarernes nat, 1981), Den uvidende lærer (1987) og La mésentente (Uoverensstemmelsen, 1995). Blandt disse udmærker Den uvidende lærer sig på flere måder. Den er forholdsvis kort og letlæst, henvender sig til et bredt publikum og er af den grund oversat til flere sprog end nogen anden af Rancières bøger (engelsk, tysk, spansk og portugisisk). Med dens radikale insisteren på lighedsprincippet kan den desuden forstås som udgangspunktet for Rancières politiske tænkning."I 1818 oplevede Jacques Jacotot, lektor i fransk litteratur ved universitetet i Leuven, et intellektuelt eventyr." Sådan begynder Den uvidende lærer, der er historien om denne revolutionære lærer, der med sin anti-pædagogik spredte panik i de lærde kredse i datidens Europa. Jacotot havde opdaget, at den bedste lærer er den, der intet ved om sit fag. En sådan lærer forklarer nemlig ikke noget, men tvinger sine elever til at tænke selv. Den uvidende lærer handler således om intellektuel emancipation og om det uanede potentiale i princippet om, at alle mennesker har en lige stor intelligens. Spørgsmålet om intelligensen vedrører i høj grad begge fløje i det drama om pædagogikken, der i udspiller sig i aviser, på fjernsyn og lige foran vore uskyldige børns næser i dagens Danmark. Begge fløje tager dog udgangspunkt i den umiddelbare ulighed i elevernes intellektuelle formåen. Jacques Rancière provokerer: Hvad om vi i stedet for at tage ulighederne for givet begyndte med at postulere lighedens princip? Hvad ville vore elever sige til det? Hvilke konsekvenser ville det få, ikke bare i pædagogisk øjemed, men også i politisk?Bogen er oversat af Holger Ross Lauritsen og indeholder et efterskrift af Kåre Blinkenberg.
Aesthetics is not a politics by accident but in essence. But this politics operates in the unresolved tension between two opposed forms of politics: the first consists in transforming art into forms of collective life, the second in preserving from all forms of militant or commercial compromise the autonomy that makes it a promise of emancipation.
Hvad forstås præcist med politisk kunst eller med kunstens politik? Hvor står vi med traditionen for kritisk kunst eller med ønsket om at gøre kunst til liv? Hvordan er æstetik og politik forbundne? I Den frigjorte beskuer og Det sanseliges deling undersøger Jacques Rancière, hvordan nye politiske og sociale væremåder kan opstå, og hvilke roller kunsten spiller i organiseringen af en fælles, sansemæssig virkelighed. Jacques Rancière (f. 1940) er professor emeritus ved Université de Paris VIII og forfatter til en række centrale bøger om æstetik og politik. Den frigjorte beskuer og Det sanseliges deling er to af hans vægtigste bidrag til samtidens æstetikteori. Bibliotek for ny kunstteori er en bogserie med oversættelser af international kunst- og kulturteori udgivet i samarbejde mellem Ny Carlsbergfondet og Informations Forlag. Ambitionen med serien er at skabe en større offentlig samtale om ny kunst og kunstteori gennem bøger, arrangementer og podcast. Tidligere er Toldfri kunst, Samtidskunstens teorier og Vores æstetiske kategorier udkommet.
Following the previous volume of essays by Jacques Rancire from the 1970s, Staging the People: The Proletarian and His Double, this second collection focuses on the ways in which radical philosophers understand the people they profess to speak for. The Intellectual and His People engages in an incisive and original way with current political and cultural issues, including the ';discovery' of totalitarianism by the ';new philosophers,' the relationship of Sartre and Foucault to popular struggles, nostalgia for the ebbing world of the factory, the slippage of the artistic avant-garde into defending corporate privilege, and the ambiguous sociological critique of Pierre Bourdieu. As ever, Rancire challenges all patterns of thought in which one-time radicalism has become empty convention.
First published in French as Les bords de la fiction (Paris: aEditions du Seuil, 2017).
Cinema, like language, can be said to exist as a system of differences. In his latest book, acclaimed philosopher Jacques Ranciere looks at cinematic art in comparison to its corollary forms in literature and theatre. From literature, he argues, cinema takes its narrative conventions, while at the same time effacing literature's images and philosophy; and film rejects theatre, while also fulfilling theatre's dream. Built on these contradictions, the cinema is the real, material space in which one is moved by the spectacle of shadows. Thus, for Ranciere, film is the perpetually disappointed dream of a language of images.
In this vehement defence of democracy, Jacques Ranciere explodes the complacency of Western politicians who pride themselves as the defenders of political freedom. As America and its allies use their military might in the misguided attempt to export a desiccated version democracy, and reactionary strands in mainstream political opinion abandon civil liberties, Ranciere argues that true democracygovernment by allis held in profound contempt by the new ruling class. In a compelling and timely analysis, Hatred of Democracy rethinks the subversive power of the democratic ideal.
Proletarian Nights, previously published in English as Nights of Labor and one of Ranciere's most important works, dramatically reinterprets the Revolution of 1830, contending that workers were not rebelling against specific hardships and conditions but against the unyielding predetermination of their lives. Through a study of worker-run newspapers, letters, journals, and worker-poetry, Ranciere reveals the contradictory and conflicting stories that challenge the coherence of these statements celebrating labor.This updated edition includes a new preface by the author, revisiting the work twenty years since its first publication in France.
These essays from the 1970s mark the inception of the distinctive project that Jacques Rancire has pursued across forty years, with four interwoven themes: the study of working-class identity, of its philosophical interpretation, of ';heretical' knowledge and of the relationship between work and leisure. For the short-lived journal Les Rvoltes Logiques, Rancire wrote on subjects ranging across a hundred years, from the California Gold Rush to trade-union collaboration with fascism, from early feminism to the ';dictatorship of the proletariat,' from the respectability of the Paris Exposition to the disrespectable carousing outside the Paris gates. Rancire characteristically combines telling historical detail with deep insight into the development of the popular mind. In a new preface, he explains why such ';rude words' as ';people,' ';factory,' ';proletarians' and ';revolution' still need to be spoken.
* Jacques Ranciere is one of the leading philosophers in France today, well-known for his work on aesthetics, politics and the philosophy of literature. * This book is a thoughtful and stimulating account of the relationship between literature and politics, in the style of great thinkers like Sartre.
From Almanac of Fall (1984) to The Turin Horse (2011), renowned Hungarian filmmaker Bela Tarr has followed the collapse of the communist promise. The "time after" is the time when we are less interested in histories and their successes or failures than we are in the delicate fabric of time from which they are carved.
"Is there any such thing as political philosophy?" So begins this provocative book by one of the foremost figures in Continental thought. Here, Jacques Ranci re brings a new and highly useful set of terms to the vexed debate about political effectiveness and "the end of politics." What precisely is at stake in the relationship between "philosophy" and the adjective "political"? In Disagreement, Ranci re explores the apparent contradiction between these terms and reveals the uneasy meaning of their union in the phrase "political philosophy"--a juncture related to age-old attempts in philosophy to answer Plato''s devaluing of politics as a "democratic egalitarian" process. According to Ranci re, the phrase also expresses the paradox of politics itself: the absence of a proper foundation. Politics, he argues, begins when the "demos" (the "excessive" or unrepresented part of society) seeks to disrupt the order of domination and distribution of goods "naturalized" by police and legal institutions. In addition, the notion of "equality" operates as a game of contestation that constantly substitutes litigation for political action and community. This game, Ranci re maintains, operates by a primary logic of "misunderstanding." In turn, political philosophy has always tried to substitute the "politics of truth" for the politics of appearances. Disagreement investigates the various transformations of this regime of "truth" and their effects on practical politics. Ranci re then distinguishes what we mean by "democracy" from the practices of a consensual system in order to unravel the ramifications of the fashionable phrase "the end of politics." His conclusions will be of interest to readers concerned with political questions from the broadest to the most specific and local.
A work that is not concerned with the use of Freudian concepts for the interpretation of literary and artistic works. Rather, it is concerned with why this interpretation plays such an important role in demonstrating the contemporary relevance of psychoanalytic concepts.
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