Books by Jacques Ranciere

Jacques Rancière er med Toke Lykkeberg Nielsens ord "en af Frankrigs største og mest respekterede filosoffer". Ranciére er først og fremmest en politisk tænker, og hovedværkerne i den henseende er La nuit des prolétaires (Proletarernes nat, 1981), Den uvidende lærer (1987) og La mésentente (Uoverensstemmelsen, 1995). Blandt disse udmærker Den uvidende lærer sig på flere måder. Den er forholdsvis kort og letlæst, henvender sig til et bredt publikum og er af den grund oversat til flere sprog end nogen anden af Rancières bøger (engelsk, tysk, spansk og portugisisk). Med dens radikale insisteren på lighedsprincippet kan den desuden forstås som udgangspunktet for Rancières politiske tænkning."I 1818 oplevede Jacques Jacotot, lektor i fransk litteratur ved universitetet i Leuven, et intellektuelt eventyr." Sådan begynder Den uvidende lærer, der er historien om denne revolutionære lærer, der med sin anti-pædagogik spredte panik i de lærde kredse i datidens Europa. Jacotot havde opdaget, at den bedste lærer er den, der intet ved om sit fag. En sådan lærer forklarer nemlig ikke noget, men tvinger sine elever til at tænke selv. Den uvidende lærer handler således om intellektuel emancipation og om det uanede potentiale i princippet om, at alle mennesker har en lige stor intelligens. Spørgsmålet om intelligensen vedrører i høj grad begge fløje i det drama om pædagogikken, der i udspiller sig i aviser, på fjernsyn og lige foran vore uskyldige børns næser i dagens Danmark. Begge fløje tager dog udgangspunkt i den umiddelbare ulighed i elevernes intellektuelle formåen. Jacques Rancière provokerer: Hvad om vi i stedet for at tage ulighederne for givet begyndte med at postulere lighedens princip? Hvad ville vore elever sige til det? Hvilke konsekvenser ville det få, ikke bare i pædagogisk øjemed, men også i politisk?Bogen er oversat af Holger Ross Lauritsen og indeholder et efterskrift af Kåre Blinkenberg.

Aesthetics is not a politics by accident but in essence. But this politics operates in the unresolved tension between two opposed forms of politics: the first consists in transforming art into forms of collective life, the second in preserving from all forms of militant or commercial compromise the autonomy that makes it a promise of emancipation.

Hvad forstås præcist med politisk kunst eller med kunstens politik? Hvor står vi med traditionen for kritisk kunst eller med ønsket om at gøre kunst til liv? Hvordan er æstetik og politik forbundne? I Den frigjorte beskuer og Det sanseliges deling undersøger Jacques Rancière, hvordan nye politiske og sociale væremåder kan opstå, og hvilke roller kunsten spiller i organiseringen af en fælles, sansemæssig virkelighed. Jacques Rancière (f. 1940) er professor emeritus ved Université de Paris VIII og forfatter til en række centrale bøger om æstetik og politik. Den frigjorte beskuer og Det sanseliges deling er to af hans vægtigste bidrag til samtidens æstetikteori. Bibliotek for ny kunstteori er en bogserie med oversættelser af international kunst- og kulturteori udgivet i samarbejde mellem Ny Carlsbergfondet og Informations Forlag. Ambitionen med serien er at skabe en større offentlig samtale om ny kunst og kunstteori gennem bøger, arrangementer og podcast. Tidligere er Toldfri kunst, Samtidskunstens teorier og Vores æstetiske kategorier udkommet.

Following the previous volume of essays by Jacques Rancire from the 1970s, Staging the People: The Proletarian and His Double, this second collection focuses on the ways in which radical philosophers understand the people they profess to speak for. The Intellectual and His People engages in an incisive and original way with current political and cultural issues, including the ';discovery' of totalitarianism by the ';new philosophers,' the relationship of Sartre and Foucault to popular struggles, nostalgia for the ebbing world of the factory, the slippage of the artistic avant-garde into defending corporate privilege, and the ambiguous sociological critique of Pierre Bourdieu. As ever, Rancire challenges all patterns of thought in which one-time radicalism has become empty convention.

First published in French as Les bords de la fiction (Paris: aEditions du Seuil, 2017).

"In this book, Jacques Ranciaere explores how political relations develop fundamentally from sensual experience, as individual feelings become the concern of the whole community. Since politics emerges then from the 'division of the sensual', aesthetic experience becomes a radical means for social and political upheaval"--

Ranciere's account of Western philosophical thought from Plato to Bourdieu argues that philosophers depend on an ideal "poor" for their own analyses but preclude them from abstract thought

Translated from: La maethode de l'aegalitae.

Jacques Ranciere has continually unsettled political discourse, particularly through his questioning of aesthetic "e;distributions of the sensible,"e; which configure the limits of what can be seen and said. Widely recognized as a seminal work in Ranciere's corpus, the translation of which is long overdue, Mute Speech is an intellectual tour de force proposing a new framework for thinking about the history of art and literature. Ranciere argues that our current notion of "e;literature"e; is a relatively recent creation, having first appeared in the wake of the French Revolution and with the rise of Romanticism. In its rejection of the system of representational hierarchies that had constituted belles-letters, "e;literature"e; is founded upon a radical equivalence in which all things are possible expressions of the life of a people. With an analysis reaching back to Plato, Aristotle, the German Romantics, Vico, and Cervantes and concluding with brilliant readings of Flaubert, Mallarme, and Proust, Ranciere demonstrates the uncontrollable democratic impulse lying at the heart of literature's still-vital capacity for reinvention.

These essays from the 1970s mark the inception of the distinctive project that Jacques Rancire has pursued across forty years, with four interwoven themes: the study of working-class identity, of its philosophical interpretation, of ';heretical' knowledge and of the relationship between work and leisure. For the short-lived journal Les Rvoltes Logiques, Rancire wrote on subjects ranging across a hundred years, from the California Gold Rush to trade-union collaboration with fascism, from early feminism to the ';dictatorship of the proletariat,' from the respectability of the Paris Exposition to the disrespectable carousing outside the Paris gates. Rancire characteristically combines telling historical detail with deep insight into the development of the popular mind. In a new preface, he explains why such ';rude words' as ';people,' ';factory,' ';proletarians' and ';revolution' still need to be spoken.

* Jacques Ranciere is one of the leading philosophers in France today, well-known for his work on aesthetics, politics and the philosophy of literature. * This book is a thoughtful and stimulating account of the relationship between literature and politics, in the style of great thinkers like Sartre.

From Almanac of Fall (1984) to The Turin Horse (2011), renowned Hungarian filmmaker Bela Tarr has followed the collapse of the communist promise. The "time after" is the time when we are less interested in histories and their successes or failures than we are in the delicate fabric of time from which they are carved.

"Is there any such thing as political philosophy?" So begins this provocative book by one of the foremost figures in Continental thought. Here, Jacques Ranci re brings a new and highly useful set of terms to the vexed debate about political effectiveness and "the end of politics." What precisely is at stake in the relationship between "philosophy" and the adjective "political"? In Disagreement, Ranci re explores the apparent contradiction between these terms and reveals the uneasy meaning of their union in the phrase "political philosophy"--a juncture related to age-old attempts in philosophy to answer Plato''s devaluing of politics as a "democratic egalitarian" process. According to Ranci re, the phrase also expresses the paradox of politics itself: the absence of a proper foundation. Politics, he argues, begins when the "demos" (the "excessive" or unrepresented part of society) seeks to disrupt the order of domination and distribution of goods "naturalized" by police and legal institutions. In addition, the notion of "equality" operates as a game of contestation that constantly substitutes litigation for political action and community. This game, Ranci re maintains, operates by a primary logic of "misunderstanding." In turn, political philosophy has always tried to substitute the "politics of truth" for the politics of appearances. Disagreement investigates the various transformations of this regime of "truth" and their effects on practical politics. Ranci re then distinguishes what we mean by "democracy" from the practices of a consensual system in order to unravel the ramifications of the fashionable phrase "the end of politics." His conclusions will be of interest to readers concerned with political questions from the broadest to the most specific and local.

A work that is not concerned with the use of Freudian concepts for the interpretation of literary and artistic works. Rather, it is concerned with why this interpretation plays such an important role in demonstrating the contemporary relevance of psychoanalytic concepts.

This book analyzes a range of texts that seek, in different ways, to represent "the people." Ranciere approaches these texts as travel narratives or ethnographies whose authors have traveled not to distant or exotic lands but across class lines.

Gives politics the following meaning: the organization of dissent.

This work reveals the significant impact of historiography on the human sciences during the 20th century.

This new collection of challenging literary studies plays with a foundational definition of Western culture: the word become flesh. But the word become flesh is not, or is no longer, a theological already-given. It is a millennial goal or telos toward which each text strives.