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In this edition, first published in 1983, the late Professor Raymond Aron, one of France¿s most distinguished social scientists, presented a major re-evaluation of Carl von Clausewitz, `the genius of war¿. He sees in Clausewitz a political philosopher of major importance, whose impact and significance permeate many facets of modern society.
No detailed description available for "France Steadfast and Changing".
Examines US diplomacy during the 28 year period of 1945-73 from strategic, political, and moral standpoints.
Raymond Aron's classic two-volume study of the sociological tradition is arguably the definitive work of its kind. More than a work of reconstruction, Aron's study is, at its deepest level, an engagement with the question of modernity: What constitutes the essence of the modern order that, having emerged in the eighteenth century, still shapes our experience? With scrupulous fairness, Aron examines the thought and arguments of the major social thinkers in this two volume set.
The Imperial Republic based as it is on Raymond Aron's realist philosophy, is involved only indirectly or by implication in the disputes about moralism, revisionism, and even imperialism
Peace and War by Raymond Aron is one of the greatest books ever written on international relations
This book allows us the opportunity to raise questions about de Gaulle and his policy in the Middle East. Was he anti-Semitic? What were his real attitudes and policies toward Israel, and how did they relate to his policies on the Middle East and on international affairs?
Raymond Aron's 1955 masterpiece The Opium of the Intellectuals, is one of the great works of twentieth- century political reflection
A classic of international relations, the starting point of Aron's book is the state of nature that exists between nations, a condition that differs essentially from the civil state that holds within political communities. The introduction to this edition places it in the post-Cold War context.
First published in 1955, this political reflection seeks to show how noble ideas can slide into the tyranny of "secular religion". It stresses how political thought has the responsibility of telling the truth about social and political reality - in all its imperfections and complexities.
"How the United States and France Look at their Joint Problems" is the subtitle of this joint report by two leading political writers, Mr. Heckscher from the U.S. and Mr. Aron from France, of the Arden House conference of French and American scholars held in New York last spring. An introduction by Arnold Welfare traces the history of French-U.S. relations from the enthusiastic brotherhood of the Revolutionary War to the more wary approach of the two countries towards each other now due to their different attitudes to colonialism and European unity. The points of contention M. Aron brings up are that the U.S. is generally more convinced of the need for defense in Europe because they take Russian talk more seriously that France, in NATO, faces a loss of control over her own forces and looks on German rearmament as a high price to pay for unity; and that is colonialism, the U.S. betrays itself by its of Negroes and Indians. Discussing American attitudes Mr. Heckscher calls attention to our disapproval of confusing French politics and the waste and abuse of talent in industry. But he also says that the realization of France's deep involvement in the Far East and North Africa will make the problems eventually soluble in these areas. Additional points brought up in final summary include M. Aron's observation that the French are basically in favor of national independence but that the problem is one of aiding Arab leaders without appealing to tyrants; and Mr. Heckscher's agreement that the task of Statesmen is to find common points of agreement. An important study for the times in its very practical emphasis and illumination of the points where two so traditionally linked nations both differ from and complement each other. (Kirkus Reviews)
Translated from the French, this book allows us the opportunity to raise questions about de Gaulle and his policy in the Middle East. Was he anti-Semitic? What were his real attitudes and policies toward Israel, and how did they relate to his policies on the Middle East and international affairs?
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