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Until recent times, Iran regularly had to cope with local or national famines. The various governments, until the second decade of the twentieth century, had neither a policy nor institutional arrangements to deal with grain shortages, artificial or not, and the resulting famines. In severe cases of famine governments might have temporarily intervened in the market, but usually they left care for the hungry to private philanthropy. Invariably, this private effort was inadequate when compared to needs. Although there were earlier incidental efforts, it was only as of 1918 that a beginning was made for more permanent and structural pro-active measures to prevent rather than to combat famine. The creation of the Edareh-ye arzaq or Alimentation Service in Tehran and Tabriz to ensure food security saved thousands of lives in the years that followed. Despite this result, its work is almost totally ignored; there is not even an encyclopedia article about its activities. In this study, Willem Floor discusses the early efforts to combat famine as well as the beginning of a more targeted and structural approach developed by Lambert Molitor in Tabriz during 1917-18 as well as its application in Tehran as of 1918. Whereas in Tabriz, after 1918, the approach was reactive, in Tehran a pro-active program was developed, which as of 1922 became part of the tasks of the Millspaugh mission. During 1926-27 there was even a quasi-national food security program. After Millspaugh's departure in 1927 the food security of Tehran became an entirely Iranian affair, which as of 1935 was transferred from the Alimentation Service to a State company that had a national food security responsibility.
The hinterland of Bushehr on the Persian Gulf-Tangestan, Borazjan, Dashti, and other districts-was populated by a disparate and poor people, who were at constant war with each other. It was not only neighbors who fought and preyed on each other, but also close family members, and even fathers and sons. The traditional chiefs were heavily engaged in smuggling, in rustling cattle and sheep, in raiding villages and caravans, and in land grabs. They opposed any interference with their traditional authority and way of life, whether it was by the central or local government or a neighbor. They were not concerned that their peasants were oppressed, but rather that it was government officials who oppressed them, leaving fewer pickings for the chiefs. If they saw an advantage in collaborating with the government they did so, in particular when that was harmful to their neighbors, with whom they often had a blood feud. The rule of the game was that everything could and should be sacrificed for personal gain. The cost to others be damned.After a modernizing government was established in Iran in 1921, it wanted to impose law and order, and bring to heel chiefs, who had been unruly for centuries and only paid taxes under threat of arms. As of 1925, a disarmament campaign tried to collect arms during the winter months and impose the rule of law. Although in 1931 many chiefs were arrested and banished to other parts of Iran, the petty chiefs and rebel bandits resisted at every occasion. To counter the growing anarchy, in 1941 the military allowed all banished chiefs to return to their traditional districts and tried to use them to keep law and order. The returned chiefs then used the army to bolster their own position vis a vis their rivals and to weaken the measure of control that the central government had over their area. Despite the disarmament and pacification drives that the army engaged in, by mid-1940, the Tangestanis, Dashtis and Dashtestanis were still a source of trouble. Nevertheless, the military operations had left their mark on the area, for by 1950, the chiefs in the three regions, although not lacking in influence, were merely landowners.The Rebel Bandits of Tangestan is a deep dive into early-twentieth century history of an oft-neglected region of Iran and the Persian Gulf. It is a fascinating and well-researched account that reveals unknown details that will be rewarding to scholars and general readers alike.
Aplace for the sick (bimarestan) had existed in Iran since the mid-sixth century, but such institutions never developed into real hospitals, except for a few instances during the tenth and eleventh centuries. Thereafter, until the twentieth century, their number was small and declining, and merely served as alms houses (dar al-shafa) for sick and poor pilgrims, which was why they were attached to mosques and religious schools (madrasehs). There was no major change in this situation until the mid-1880s. It was then that changes began to occur through the establishment of dispensaries, and later, hospitals. Four main groups were involved: the government of Iran, the government of (British) India and its affiliates, and American and British missionary organizations. Each had their own disparate policy objectives. Although the first Iranian government hospitals preceded the ones established by American and British missionaries, the services they offered were limited. They did not include surgery, which was the comparative advantage of the foreign hospitals. In addition, the latter offered better trained physicians, nurses, modern medical methods of treatment, and the use of medical instruments and devices. As a result, these Western hospitals had an important impact on the training of Iranian physicians and nurses. They also introduced modern methods of medical treatment, surgery techniques and medicines. Furthermore, they made it more acceptable for Iranian patients to seek treatment in a hospital, an institution not traditionally viewed as a place to heal but rather as a place to die. Despite their increasing role in providing medical care, the urban-based hospitals were too few in number, and not geared to address Irans public health issues. In particular, they could not meet the medical needs of the countrys mainly rural population. Nevertheless, the hard work and sacrifice of the staff of these modern hospitals laid the groundwork for Irans much needed and comprehensive public health infrastructure and health policies. These were further developed in the 1930s and grew in speed and size during the 1950s. This book, together with Willem Floors companion volume, The Beginnings of Modern Medicine in Iran, are essential histories for anyone interested in the inceptions of Irans modern health care system.
Not much has been written about the early beginnings of modern medicine in Iran. With this book, renowned scholar Willem Floor, who has written more than fifty books on Iran’s history and culture, corrects this lacuna. He details the development of the education of modern physicians starting in the 1850s. And highlights the important and influential role of American physicians in helping shape the culture of Iranian hospital care, including making it acceptable to Iranian patients. American missionary hospitals played a crucial role through the founding of the first medical school in 1885 in Urumiyeh. There were also two other medical training programs at American hospitals in Hamadan and Tehran. By 1930, most Iranian physicians trained in Western medicine had been educated either at the American University of Beirut, medical schools attached to American missionary hospitals, or in Europe. In 1915, American physicians also began the first school to train nurses. Later, in 1936, the government of Iran asked American missionary nurses to direct and run the five government schools for nurses. American and British physicians were the first to establish a rigorous ob-gyn program with pre- and post-natal care, including baby clinics to combat the high child mortality rate in Iran. This model was later adopted by all Iranian hospitals. American physicians also introduced the X-ray machine, the hospital laboratory, and other techniques to enhance medical diagnosis and treatment. All these were established through an environment of cooperation, collegiality, and professional cooperation with their Iranian colleagues through seminars, and the creation of medical societies in Mashhad and Tehran. The final chapter tells the history of leprosy in Iran, and the establishment and functioning of the first leprosarium in Mashhad by American missionary physicians in collaboration with the Imam Reza Shrine Foundation. This book will reward those interested in the development of modern medicine in Iran and the role of women in its health care system.
For this book, Willem Floor has selected and translated into English thirteen German sources reporting on events in Iran from 1580 to 1722. One of these sources has never been published before; four of them are complete books, while the others only have sections dealing with Iran. Most of these sources are unknown to scholars.
Kermanshah was one of the most important commercial gateways to Iran and an important transit station on the trade route between Iraq and Iran. It was also a gathering point for pilgrims going to and coming back from the holy shrines of Kerbela and Najaf. Despite all this, Kermanshah has been mostly ignored by historians.
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