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David Pryce-Jones weaves a vivid life story through vignettes of the many famous authors-friends, acquaintances, interview subjects-who gave him personally inscribed books. In Signatures he offers a window onto the lives and work of these extraordinary people.As a child, Pryce-Jones spent time at Isaiah Berlin's house. As a teenager, lunching with Bernard Berenson at I Tatti, he prompted an outburst about Parisian anti-Semitism. W. H. Auden found him at Oxford to praise his competition poem, and he later visited Auden in his loft studio in Austria. Svetlana Alliluyeva reminisced about her father, Joseph Stalin, while staying at the Pryce-Jones house in Wales.A highbrow salon gathered in the home of Arthur Koestler, who strove to be an English gentleman and who was with Pryce-Jones in Reykjavik covering the Fischer-Spassky chess match. Saul Bellow spoke of an old friend, now a capo famiglia, promising to deal with student rioters in 1968 Chicago. After swapping houses with Pryce-Jones one summer, Jessica Mitford insisted that he would have been a Communist in the 1930s. Robert Graves challenged a quotation from Virgil, and told the Queen that she was a descendant of Muhammad.We meet V. S. Naipaul, a free spirit who understood that "the world is what it is." Muriel Spark would come round for lunch with the Pryce-Joneses in Florence, enjoying conspiratorial stories about Italian politics. At his sepulchral home in Heidelberg, Albert Speer demonstrated his way of "admitting a little to deny a great deal." In Isaac Singer we see generosity, candor, and mischievous humor.This is only a small sampling of the remarkable personalities who have left their signatures on a fascinating life.
"Treason of the Heart" is an account of British people who took up foreign causes. Not mercenaries, then, but ideologues. Almost all were what today we would call radicals or activists, who thought they knew better than whichever bunch of backward or oppressed people it was that they had come to save. Usually they were applying to others what they saw as the benefits of their culture, and so obviously meritorious was their culture that they were prepared to be violent in imposing it. Some genuinely hated their own country, however, and saw themselves promoting abroad the values their own retrograde government was blocking. The book deals with those like Thomas Paine who saw American independence as the surest means to hurt England; the many who hoped to spread the French revolution and then have Napoleon conquer England; historic characters like Lord Byron and Lawrence of Arabia who fought for the causes that brought them glory; finally those who took up Communism or Nazism. "Treason of the Heart" is nothing less than the tale of intellectuals deluded about the effect of what they are doing - and therefore with immediate reference to today's world.
John Quincy Adams is widely recognized as Americaâ¿s most distinguished diplomat, taking into account the length and breadth of his public service and his influence on American foreign policy. In the course of this remarkable journey, John Quincy documented his ideas and actions through his writings, speeches, letters, diary entries, and state papers. To aid those interested specifically in learning more about the man and his views on foreign policy, the editors have compiled a collection of the most important and often-cited works, such as his famous July 4, 1821 Oration: âshe goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy.â?The selections in this volume provide insights into Adams's diplomatic practices and the critical issues that marked the young American nation. To give the readers context, the editors have provided introductions for both particular periods in John Quincy's life as well as individual documents. Wherever possible, the editors have included the full text but, given the immensity of the available material and John Quincy Adamsâ¿s style of writing, they have used discretion to abridge certain documents.
Something is wrong with American journalism. Long before "fake news" became the calling card of the Right, Americans had lost faith in their news media. But lately, the feeling that something is off has become impossible to ignore. That's because the majority of our mainstream news is no longer just liberal; it's woke. Today's newsrooms are propagating radical ideas that were fringe as recently as a decade ago, including "antiracism," intersectionality, open borders, and critical race theory. How did this come to be?It all has to do with who our news media is written by-and who it is written for. In Bad News: How Woke Media Is Undermining Democracy, Batya Ungar-Sargon reveals how American journalism underwent a status revolution over the twentieth century-from a blue-collar trade to an elite profession. As a result, journalists shifted their focus away from the working class and toward the concerns of their affluent, highly educated peers. With the rise of the Internet and the implosion of local news, America's elite news media became nationalized and its journalists affluent and ideological. And where once business concerns provided a countervailing force to push back against journalists' worst tendencies, the pressures of the digital media landscape now align corporate incentives with newsroom crusades.The truth is, the moral panic around race, encouraged by today's elite newsrooms, does little more than consolidate the power of liberal elites and protect their economic interests. And in abandoning the working class by creating a culture war around identity, our national media is undermining American democracy. Bad News explains how this happened, why it happened, and the dangers posed by this development if it continues unchecked.
What is culture? Why should we preserve it, and how? This book defends Western culture against its internal critics and external enemies, and argues that rumours of its death are seriously exaggerated. It shows our culture to be a continuing source of moral knowledge.
"Behind the deeply contentious 2020 election stands a real story of a broken election process. Election fraud that alters election outcomes and dilutes legitimate votes occurs all too often, as is the bungling of election bureaucrats. Our election process is full of vulnerabilities that can be - and are - taken advantage of, raising questions about, and damaging public confidence in, the legitimacy of the outcome of elections. This book explores the reality of the fraud and bureaucratic errors and mistakes that should concern all Americans and offers recommendations and solutions to fix those problems"--
"Our Cloistered, Elite Supreme Court starts by establishing just how different today's Justices are from their predecessors. The book combines two massive empirical studies of every Justices' background from John Jay to Amy Coney Barrett with short, readable bios of past greats to demonstrate that today's Justices arrive on the Court with much narrower experiences than they once did. The modern Supreme Court specializes in cloistered and elite lives. Today's Justices have spent more time in elite academic settings (both as students and faculty) than any previous Courts. Every Justice but Barrett attended either Harvard or Yale Law School, and four of the Justices were tenured professors at prestigious law schools. They also spent more time as Federal Appellate Court Judges than any previous Courts. These two jobs (tenured law professor and appellate judge) share two critical components: both jobs are basically lifetime appointments that involve little or no contact with the public at large. The current Supreme Court is packed with a very specific type of person: type-A overachievers who have triumphed in a long tournament measuring academic and technical legal excellence. This Court desperately lacks individuals who reflect a different type of "merit." The book examines the exceptional and varied lives of past greats from John Marshall to Thurgood Marshall and asks how many, if any, of these giants would be nominated today. The book argues against our current bookish and narrow meritocracy. Healthier societies offer multiple different routes to success and onto bodies like our Supreme Court"--
"The George Floyd protests that have occasioned great changes throughout American society were not spontaneous events. Americans did not suddenly rise up in righteous anger, take to the streets, and demand not just that police departments be defunded, but that all structures, institutions, and systems, all our supposedly racist, be overhauled. The 12,000 or so demonstrations and 675 related riots took organizational muscle. The ideological grip on all things from the classroom to the ballpark required ideological commitment. That muscle and commitment were provided by the various Black Lives Matter organizations. The leaders are avowed Marxists who say they want to dismantle our way of life. They and their activists make savvy use of social media to spread their message and organize the marches, sit-ins, statue-tumblings and riots. They seized on the video showing George Floyd's suffering to unleash nation-wide the insurgency. This book will look at who exactly these leaders are, something the media has so far refused to do"--
"America's current political divisions are backed by vitriolic anger on all sides--anger that is rooted in a long-term change in American character. A nation that once regarded unbridled anger as a personal weakness has become a nation that regards anger as self-empowerment and a tool for positive social change. But anger remains what it was always was: a force that can sweep away judgment and carry us, as individuals or groups, into foolish confrontations. The power that an angry person feels on social media or in the street is a largely an illusion. Anger in politics serves a deknite purpose: it turns simmering resentments into collective purpose. But once this kind of anger is ignited, it burns its own path. No one really controls it. Anger in our personal lives often takes a self-destructive path, destroying relationships and isolating the angry man or woman from friends, family, and fellow workers. Peter W. Wood, an anthropologist, explains in this extensively revised and updated edition of his 2007 book, A Bee in the Mouth: Anger in America Now, how our "new anger" took shape, how it endangers our civic life, and how it can be turned to better purposes"--
This work is not endorsed by or connected with the National Urban League.An incisive collection of essays that reveals the past, present, and future strength of black America as the best hope for a nation that has lost faith in itself."A much-needed antidote to the madness-inducing contradiction of woke orthodoxy." —The Honorable Judge Janice Rogers BrownIn a nation that is tearing itself apart over race, trying to speak honestly about the state of black America is a perilous task. Candor and thoughtfulness are often drowned by hysteria, expediency, and sentimentalism. The State of Black America seeks to restore these sorely needed virtues to the present discourse, assembling a company of scholars who confront our nation’s troubled racial history even as they bear witness to the promise the American heritage contains for blacks.The essays in this volume bring clarity to the murky darkness of America’s race debates, reviewing and building upon the latest scholarship on the character, shape, and tendencies of life for black Americans. Together, they tell a story of black America’s astounding success in integrating into mainstream American culture and propose that black patriotism is the key to overcoming what problems remain.Featuring scholarship from a variety of disciplines, including history, economics, social science, and political philosophy, The State of Black America offers to the world a “toolbox” of intellectual resources to aid careful and sound thinking on one of the most fraught issues of our time.Featuring contributions from W. B. Allen, Mikael Rose Good, Edward J. Erler, Robert D. Bland, Glenn C. Loury, Ian V. Rowe, Precious D. Hall, Daphne Cooper, Star Parker, and Robert Borens.
"Paper Belt on Fire is the unlikely account of how two outsiders with no experience in finance--a charter school principal and defrocked philosopher--start a venture capital fund to short the higher education bubble. Against the contempt of the education establishment, they discover, mentor, and back the leading lights in the next generation of dropout innovators and in the end make their investors millions. Can such a madcap strategy help renew American creativity? Who would do such a thing? This story is the behind-the-scenes romp of one team that threw educational authorities into a panic. It fuses real-life personal drama with history, science, and philosophy to show how higher education and other institutions must evolve to meet the dire challenges of tomorrow"--
"Inflation explains the forces behind the epidemic of soaring prices squeezing individuals and businesses still struggling in the aftermath of the COVID pandemic. An alarming rise in the cost of living has stoked fears of a new crisis resembling the decade-long inflation of the 1970s. Some even raise the specter of a descent into the kind of Weimar-style hyperinflation that has torn apart so many nations. Can this be true? If so, what should be done? How should we prepare for the future?"--
The United States in Crisis: Citizenship, Immigration, and the Nation State argues that to preserve our freedom Americans must mount a defense of the nation state against the progressive forces who advocate for global government. The Founders of America were convinced that freedom would flourish only in a nation state. A nation state is a collection of citizens who share a commitment to the same principles. Today, the nation state is under attack by the progressive Left, who allege that it is the source of almost every evil in the world. Â
Drawn Swords in a Distant Land showcases the fascinating, untold story of the rise and fall of the Republic of Vietnam. Putting aside outdated ideological debates, it offers the first in-depth review of the South Vietnamese successes and failures in building and defending their state. Drawn Swords highlights the career of President Nguyen Van Thieu, who in many ways embodied the hopes, dreams, and innumerable tragedies of the South Vietnamese people. It details the extent to which the Vietnamese Nationalists under his leadership built a viable state after the 1968 Tet Offensive; weaves together the policy decisions made in Washington, Hanoi, and Saigon that significantly determined the course of the war; and explains why South Vietnam was defeated in April 1975. Equally important, it provides stunning new details about how the coup against Ngo Dinh Diem was almost halted, describes the backroom maneuvering that chose Thieu for the presidency over Nguyen Cao Ky, and demonstrates that Richard Nixon was not the instigator of a conspiracy with Thieu known as the âChennault Affairâ? to win the 1968 election. Even more explosive, Drawn Swords reveals the last, great secret of the Vietnam War: a plot by France during the last days, in conjunction with one of Hanoiâ¿s allies, to prevent North Vietnam from conquering Saigon. This previously unknown scheme, along with many other intriguing new insights, sheds fresh light on the tumultuous struggle called the Vietnam War. Drawn Swords is the definitive and much overdue account of Thieu and the Second Republic.
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