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The government has to devise means to bring all factions of the insurgent groups to a common negotiating table. India's Look and Act East Policy can provide huge economic benefits with a land gateway to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) through Myanmar, and revitalise the northeast region.
The Look East-turned Act East Policy of India is the decades old articulation of India's Southeast Asia policy. Officially unveiled in 1990s, the Look East Policy was generally seen as an economic initiative of the Indian policy makers to salvage the country suffering from chronic economic crisis during the early days of post Cold War era. This was phase 1 of Look Eat Policy. Phase 2 started in the eve of new millennium when India added the strategic angle to the policy with reference of security cooperation with the ASEAN countries. During this time, there was an upsurge in the security related cooperation between India and ASEAN, particularly in the maritime field. India, in the new millennium, associated herself with every grouping in Southeast Asia, ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN Defence Minister Meeting Plus (ADMM]) and East Asia Summit. Today, India is emerging as an important actor in the East Asian geopolitics. It all started with the Look East Policy, initially focusing on Southeast Asia, which has now transcended its border expanding to the Asia Pacific geopolitical scene. In this context it is important to evaluate India's Southeast Asia policy since 1947. The question is when did independent India look East? Was it after the end of the World War II and the beginning of the Cold War or after the end of the Cold War and the beginning of the post-Cold War era? The scholars are unanimous that India's engagement with Southeast Asia, diplomatic, strategic and economic, started with the introduction of Look East Policy in 1990s which is now renamed as Act East Policy. But is it so? This book is an attempt to study the decades old Look East Policy, which is now renamed as Act East Policy, from this angle. This study is an attempt to evaluate the strategic aspect of the Look East Policy of India in retrospect, since 1947.
India's continuing failure to devise credible conventional military responses to Pakistan's asymmetric provocations has seriously eroded the credibility of its deterrence. This could invite a serious escalation of the jihadi sub-conventional assault on India. It is not possible to fight a purely defensive campaign against an asymmetric war and prevail. The adversary can simply vary the targets of attack ad infinitum. Costs have to be raised for the aggressor by taking the war to his territory with proactive military responses that preempt such attacks rather than defending every possible target or carrying out legal enquiries post-strike. There is an urgent need therefore, to fashion an Indian Doctrine for Limited War that is credible, usable and ensures escalation dominance. To that extent, this study addresses a vital and urgent need. It is based on an empirical study of the South Asian experience of Limited War and relies heavily upon insights from India's recent military-historical experience. It examines the evolution and rationales for Indian concepts of fighting a Limited Conventional War against a nuclear backdrop. It is based primarily on a current literature survey and a purely analytical and non-experimental approach. It relies on published and unpublished sources as well as interviews/interactions with the military leadership involved in the formulation of these concepts. It is an essential reading for academics, policy-makers, defence personnel and scholars of strategic studies in general.
This book is a comparative study of the military law systems of the five South Asian countries: Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. It also considers those aspects of international human rights laws and international humanitarian laws which are relevant to the activities of the armed forces, while they are deployed in the armed conflicts, in the peacekeeping missions or when they are in barracks. Using famous cases to illustrate legal points, this book examines minor punishments, describes step-by-step court martial process, and offers an overview of the constitutional and statutory rights available to armed forces personnel in South Asia. The author recommends that the armed forces personnel must not be subjected to cruel and degrading punishments under the military laws; and certain groups, for example women combatants must not be vulnerable to discrimination. It also critically examines special emergency laws under which armed forces are deployed in the internal security duties in South Asia. The author is of the view that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, including armed forces personnel, is not just a moral obligation. It is part of international human rights law, and the South Asian countries are obliged to respect and protect the rights of personnel serving in their armed forces. This is a timely study in South Asia, in the light of allegations of human rights violations against the armed forces personnel. It will have broad appeal for scholars in human rights, international humanitarian law, the military studies and anyone concerned with the policy studies in the armed forces.
Contributed articles presented at a seminar moderated by the Centre for Air Power Studies.
The first three chapters of the book examines the evolution of space for military use; the study of the legal framework governing the use of outer space that has enabled the militarisation of space; and the complexities of defining the fine line that separates militarisation and weaponisation of space. Chapter Four and Five provide an in-depth coverage on the military space capabilities of China and select Asian countries. Chapter Six highlights India's civilian space capabilities. It argues that notwithstanding the complex regional geo-political and geo-strategic environment, India has shown restraint in its space programme for military purposes. Chapter Seven examines the exploitation of 'near space' as a transformational medium that has the potential to change the war-fighting capabilities of nations. Chapter Eight illustrates the intricate relationship between missile defence and space. The concluding chapter draws out the likely scenarios in the future uses of outer space in the context of various political, technical and military challenges that may hamper India's march towards exploration and exploitation of outer space for its national development and security. The book will be of immense value to graduate students of Defence and Strategic Studies as well as serving officers in defence establishments.
'Defence Offsets: International Experience and Implications for India' is a book about India's defence offsets policy and an outline of international experience on implementing defence offsets. India's defence offsets policy is nascent. The country's defence expenditure has been growing considerably in recent years, and so is its defence capital acquisition budget that caters for the procurement of defence platforms and associated equipment. In the absence of sufficient indigenous capability to meet its defence requirements, the country is dependent on imports for a long time now. It has become one of the leading arms importing nations among the developing countries, with its burgeoning arms import bill having enormous scope for leveraging offsets. Self reliance in arms imports has been a long cherished aspiration of the country for several decades now, and offsets are expected to pave way for improving the self reliance quotient of the country significantly. The country offers huge opportunity for leading arms manufacturing companies of the world, from whom India imports its defence equipment, to undertake a variety of offset activities such as foreign direct investment in joint ventures involving India's public and private sector companies; subcontracting work in the country; and, investment in country's defence research and development efforts etc. The book highlights whether defence offsets indeed deliver intended results and difficulties associated with such assessment. The perspectives of the United States, the leading arms manufacturing and exporting country of the world, have been brought out in detail. Similarly the views of European Union, whose members are both major providers as well as beneficiaries of defence offsets, have also been brought out. Finally, a few suggestions have been made for improving India's defence offsets policy in the years to come. In sum, the book provides an overall view of defence offsets and relevance of international experience in this field for India's defence offsets policy.
Through the Cold War years, the US nuclear strategy and arms control policies demonstrated diminutive concern over China's nuclear capabilities primarily since it did not figure as a major factor in the US nuclear calculus which, in any case, remained centred on Soviet nuclear arsenals. However, the end of the Cold War witnessed China increasing its regional influence on the plank of rising Chinese economic and military power and growing diplomatic and political interchange abroad. From Washington's perspective, Beijing showed a darker side in its dealings in the realm of proliferation and technology transfer. Of greatest concern to Washington was the documented Chinese behaviour contributing to the spread of technology relating to the weapons of mass destruction (WMD) along with their means of delivery to states that were a cause of concern to Washington. This book analyses these issues in the backdrop of the changing trends in the American and Chinese conceptions of security in the post-Cold War age. Although China claims to abide by non-proliferation norms, riding on a campaign to garner a greater international image, its participation has been tarnished on many accounts when it has violated the terms and conditions of non-proliferation arrangements. While Washington was critically vocal regarding China's contribution to the nuclear and missile capabilities of nations such as North Korea and Iran, it was conspicuously soft on the similar issue vis-à-vis Pakistan and the nuclear black market web woven by disgraced Pakistani nuclear scientist AQ Khan. These developments compel us to ponder over whether a few countries can be trusted with WMD and their means of delivery, while others cannot, and this trust would ultimately depend on, and consequently shift, as American attitudes, interests and policies change-thus, setting the theme of the book.
Going by all estimates, this is going to be an Asia-centred century. Indeed, a shift of global power is under way from West to East. The rise of China and India, the recovery and resurgence of Russia on one side, and Japan, on the other, and the nature of the international order are leading to enormous changes. These transformational changes in the military, economic, social and political dynamics of Asia will only accelerate with the passage of time. Historically, changes in the international order and equations of power among nations have been almost inevitably accompanied by conflicts and wars. The challenge ahead, therefore, for the international community in general, and the Asian countries in particular, is to ensure that this is avoided, and competition, which is inevitable, is managed without escalating to the level of armed conflict. This is crucial for most countries, and especially so for India so that its pursuit of comprehensive national development can progress without adverse distractions. In order to work toward such goals, it is necessary to look at security and military-related issues as objectively as possible. It is with this objective in view that the Centre for Air Power Studies has been bringing out the Asian Defence Review. This volume, a resource base for both the professional and the general readers, is the eighth in the series under this title, which aims to fill a critical information and knowledge gap in current strategic literature dealing with military strategy, defence politics and trends in military capabilities that impact countries in Asia. In particular, it covers some of the important issues that affect the Asian countries, including those related to air power, outer space, Pakistan, China, cruise missiles and sea-based deterrence.
In Praise of Mahatma Gandhi The Congress and The Partition of India You have strung together authentic accounts and made an irrefutable presentation. I wish many people read it. I am sure it will help in removing many misunderstandings, at least in those who are willing to see. -Ravindra Varma, Chairman, Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi D. C. Jha lets incontestable documents tell the story. He should be commended for uniting several threads into a pattern of irony, tragedy and heroism that does justice to history. A valuable book. -Prof. Rajmohan Gandhi, Gandhi Marg, New Delhi
Since 2001, Afghanistan has provided New Delhi an opportunity to underline its role as a regional power. In the rapidly evolving geo-strategic scenario, India was forced to reconstitute and reassess its policies towards Afghanistan. India-Afghanistan Cooperation took a leap forward after the defeat of the Taliban and the installation of an Interim Authority. India's main focus has been to support the Afghan government and the political process in the country mandated under the Bonn Agreement of 2001. In the past decade, India pursued a policy of high-level engagement with Afghanistan through wide-ranging humanitarian, financial and infrastructural project assistance, as well as participation in international efforts aimed at political and economic rebuilding of Afghanistan. India has growing stakes in peace and stability in Afghanistan and the 2011 India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership Agreement underlines India's commitment to ensure that a positive momentum in the Indo-Afghanistan ties in maintained. One of the foremost aims of India's involvement in Afghanistan has been to assist in building indigenous Afghan capacity and institutions which encompasses all the sectors of development. This book, apart from examining the changing trajectory of India's policy towards Afghanistan, focuses on two particular areas of Indian intervention in Afghanistan namely Capacity Building and Education. It also evaluates its importance in strengthening the Delhi-Kabul ties. Identification of factors that are aiding or blockading the smooth functioning of these policies, have been the purpose of this academic pursuit. Attempts have been made to reach out to the Afghan beneficiaries in both India and Afghanistan, in order to understand their perspectives, requirements and disgruntlements. This research underscores that the purpose behind India's involvement in Afghanistan should not be defeated and thereby attempts to put forward certain steps and directions that can be adopted by Indian Government in order to achieve long-lasting dividends by smooth implementation of India's aid disbursement policy. As US led North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces prepare to leave Afghanistan in 2014, India stands at a crossroads as it remains keen to preserve its interest in Afghanistan. This book apart from underlying ever-evolving Indian policy in Afghanistan provides concrete recommendations that can enhance the effectiveness of ongoing Indo-Afghanistan cooperation.
Warfare quintessentially comprises Firepower and Manoeuvre. Terrain and the nuclear overhang restrict manoeuvre in our theatre of operations.The constituents of Firepower are platforms with ammunition, which can deliver from five dimensions; Land, Air, Surface of the sea, below the surface of the sea and possibly in times to come Outer Space. These are Small Arms, Guns, Mortars, Rockets of Artillery, Tanks, Aircrafts, Missiles, Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs), Armed Helicopters, Submarines and in future possibly stations in Outer Space. The ammunition which is the payload is the most important element of Firepower. Combination of platforms with ammunition results in devastating Firepower which paves the way for victory. The constituents enable us in a full spectrum conflict to undertake net centric operations. The conflicts visualised could be Land operations in a Counter Insurgency situation against non state actors, Air Land operations in a counter insurgency operation or a conventional conflict, Air operations for Counter Air, Air Defence, Sea operations for sea control or denial, Sea Land operations to undertake Amphibious operations, Air Sea operations between two opposing naval task forces and possibly by 2030 operations involving Outer Space. In these conflicts victory would be attained by ensuring Asymmetries of Firepower.
Life in India has changed beyond recognition in the last seventy years, and I am making an effort at preserving the memory of a lost past for my grandchildren and their yet to come progeny, to relive some of the jungle stories and memories. JUNGLE SALT "You can take a man out of the Jungle, but if he is born to it - you cannot take the Jungle out of a man". AnonJungle Odyssey is a soldier's 'Shikar' biography. Glimpses of experiences with his father the 'Deva-Pitta' of these stories perhaps are the defining events that qualify him as a "Jungle Salt". Soldiering closely enabled him to retain his lifelong interest in Wildlife - the fauna - flora of our vast subcontinental size country.It has been a fulsome life that exposed him to the Jungle lore and the beauty of its jungle and wildlife.
A potential competition exists between India and China, and there is also no doubt that China started the war. Highlighting the mistakes made by India rather than empirically analysing the available data can be regarded as the primary causes for the confusion that exists today. Though complete details and evidence of the developments are available and documented, few of us have attempted to draw up a pragmatic and realist analysis. The consequences of that war have yet to die down entirely and are frequently raked up with issues on recent developments which are not widely dissimilar to those of 1962. China is a complex country. To understand this rapidly progressing nation is even more difficult. There are many perceptions on this country and many of them are formed on account of some international events and China's growing assertiveness. It may be far-fetched to expect for a paradigm change in stance and motive which could give China an uncertain negotiating position. This edited volume provides the reader an excellent blend of the historical run-up to the aberration, the military developments and consequences. It is also provides useful material to understand the geographical boundary issues between India and China and developing Chinese strategies both on the political and military front.
This book provides an in-depth analysis of nine weapons and explosive remnants of war, their uses in armed conflict and their deadly impact on the environment. Besides three weapons of mass destruction (Biological, Chemical and Nuclear), it also covers controversial weapons like Depleted Uranium, White Phosphorus, Cluster Munitions, and Anti-personnel Landmines, their military applications, and the health and environmental hazard posed by them. The book offers an impartial analysis of legal regimes, and their efficacy in minimising the damage these weapons wreak on humans and the environment. It then examines the principles and rules of international humanitarian law, which could be used by the international community to ban these weapons. The book concludes by making a few recommendations addressed to international organisations, the States and military commanders with a view to reducing the damage caused by these weapons to the earth's pristine environment.
The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is of immense strategic significance on the global maritime map - not just on account of its centrality to the current trade and energy flows, but also because of the extreme disparities and inherent volatility of the region. The region faces an array of security challenges, both traditional and non-traditional. These include security of SLOCs, the problem of piracy, the possibility of renewed terrorism at and from the sea and the pervasive smuggling of people, narcotics and arms. The narrative of regional maritime security is also characterized by oscillating economic growth, growing military presence and a rapidly deteriorating ecological balance in the Indian Ocean. A stand-out feature of the IOR is the lack of correspondence between nations on issues concerning 'security'. While using the high seas for trade, transportation of energy, major powers have tended to neglect the impact of the economic activities on the sea itself. In contrast, smaller regional countries and island states with developing economies have, at best, been able to use only those resources of the sea which are vital to their survival. As the challenges rise, the need to factor in and secure effective management of the Indian Ocean has turned into a compelling imperative. While governments and authorities grapple with complex issues trying to forge a coherent maritime policy, there is a growing recognition that unless solutions are found quickly, lives, livelihoods, and in some cases the very future of local populations could be at risk. This book contains a comprehensive overview of perspectives of some of the stakeholders in the Indian Ocean Region. It seeks to identify the key maritime security issues and explores the potential contribution of the stakeholders in meeting these challenges.
The present volume comes out of a conference held by the IFPS in collaboration with CPWAS at Calcutta University in March 2012. The volume comprises of eight essays highlighting on various approaches to the question of instability in India's western neighbourhood, and what it could mean for India. The issues covered include the domestic dynamics of Pakistan, Afghanistan, the extent to which these have a bearing on the foreign policy of the Government of India, and the economic and social cost extracted by the aura of instability that has come to characterise the neighbourhood.
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