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Traditional conception of security emphasises territorial integrity and national sovereignty as primary values to be protected. In this notion, traditional threats are essentially related to external military threats that seek to undermine the security of the sovereign state and its territorial integrity. As the present book shows, the threats to Central Asian security are both external and internal. Today challenges from non-traditional threats are greater than traditional ones. Ethnic, religious and linguistic issues can create instability. Similarly, poverty, hunger, unemployment and unequal distribution of wealth as well as environmental issues are going to pose the biggest challenge to the regional states in the near future. The drying up of the Aral Sea is affecting the health and lives of hundreds of thousands of people cutting across republics. Water-related confrontations are not unlikely given the problems related to water-sharing in the region. This book focuses mainly on many of the non-traditional security threats to Central Asian states which can even affect relations between states and transform into traditional security challenges.

Indian Ocean Region is fast becoming a competing ground between regional and extra-regional powers. The option for India is to either retain strategic autonomy by building hard power or allow the space to be encroached upon by the extra-regional powers. Global community is aware of the strategic importance of India in the Indian Ocean Region and recognises the fact that partnership with India is imperative to shape the future of this region. It is an obligation that India begins to look at IOR as a strategic strength which needs to be further consolidated and complemented by building military capability with 'regional outlook'. The book addresses various issues with regard to capability building and employment of such a military power to protect national strategic interests and its obligation towards regional allies. As threats are multiplying, it is a necessity that India builds power projection capability in a phased manner to achieve its national objectives and also meet regional aspirations.

China's rise on the world stage has been relentless and consistent over the past two decades. This rise is concurrent with the United States' perceived decline as an economic power with resultant expectations of waning US influence on the world stage. Today the story of China's growth has become a subject of avid discussion and analysis not only among world leaders, academicians and members of the strategic community, but even by the print and visual media and sections of the public at large. Over the last decade, China has been biennially releasing White Papers on National Defence. This book gives out an invaluable Indian critique on China's national defence policy, nuclear environment, maritime strategy, leap frogging development in space warfare and network centric warfare capabilities with a special reference to the White Paper released in 2010. Above all, it provides a road map on China's plans to deal with its perceived security challenges. As China rises, its core issues have expanded from Tibet and Taiwan to the South China Sea, which is a deviation from its professed intentions of a peaceful rise and defence modernisation only for defence. What message is China trying to send ? This book allows the reader to pick out the gaps between professed Chinese intentions and practices on ground, which should lead to a better understanding of China's rise, particularly for India's security.

The present age widely referred to as the information age has changed the nature of wars not in degree but in kind. Warfare is no longer confined to the militaries or to the battlefields but has transcended into the civilian domain; today, it also involves the entire government infrastructure, the commercial and economic zones. Network Centric Warfare (NCW) is applicable to all levels of warfare and contributes to the coalescence of strategy, operations and tactics. It is transparent to the mission, force size, its composition and geography. NCW has many attributes which has enabled it to become as potent as it is today. These characteristics have been made possible mainly due to technology and rapid progress in every sphere which has ensured rapid computing and diminishing the tyranny of distances. While the Nuclear Age spawned a return to limited war, the Information Age has had its own unique impact on the conduct of military operations. is century has been characterised by the widespread impact of technology in many fields. Information, communications and data processing have profoundly influenced every significant aspect of human activity and have irrevocably transformed war-fighting methodology. e distinction between war and peace has blurred and is reaching the vanishing point with no definable battlefields or fronts. e distinction between "civilian" and "military" is fast disappearing as is evident from the number of cyber intrusions in the defence, scientific, banking and commercial sectors the world over. As a result, most states today are perpetually at war; a war of a different kind, not against tangible elements but against bits and bytes. Terrorism is a reality today; it is a growing menace in the civilised society and is here to stay. It has taken warfare into the civilian domain. It is difficult to predict where, when and what will be struck and, therefore, not possible to keep a standing force at all vulnerable points. is has led to wars of the present being more covert, with the adversaries learning to use the strengths of the Information Technology (IT) against the proponents. This information war is split between the offensive and the defensive. e advantage more often than not lies with the attacker who can choose the time and place of the attack. e blurring of offence and defence reflects the dual nature of NCW; it tends to defy and cut across standard boundaries, jurisdictions, and distinctions between state and society, public and private, war and peace, war and crime, civilian and military, police and military, and legal and illegal. is makes it difficult, if not impossible, for a government to assign responsibility to any single agency- e.g., military, police, or intelligence-to be in charge of responding. Sharing information and massing of forces becomes critical for quick and effective action. This book will be of immense value to not only the defence community but also to all those interested in understanding the way conflicts of the present generation affect the lives of the entire population. No particular academic background has been assumed of its readership. All arguments developed in the paper are couched in terms of concepts that are introduced in the paper.

Peacekeeping under the United Nations flag is a most noble endeavour. India can rightly be proud of its commitment and contribution to this cause. While the Indian Army's long-standing legacy has been extensively and well documented, IAF's history in peacekeeping is far less known or written about. This book makes a beginning to put the record straight. Employment of air power, dramatic and awe inspiring in all its manifestations, has been dogged by controversies of collateral damage and larger political ramifications. NATO's use is one extreme driven by aversion to own body-bags, while UN peacekeeping represents the other end of judicious and calibrated employment. Various chapters in the book give insights into risks, pay-offs and complexities of air power in UN peacekeeping. Protection of Civilians is a topical subject with controversial issues such as R2P and Libya likely to remain debatable for a long time to come. In future, R2P would be an issue that would need to be closely followed by all instruments of the Govt. involved in peacekeeping. This work makes an effort to put this debate in perspective and poses important questions for the country.

The Indian Air Force, from a humble beginning in 1932 with 4 Wapiti aircraft, six Indian officers and 22 hawai sepoys, have traversed a long journey of eighty one years and crossed noteworthy milestones to become the fourth largest air force in the world. While facing several limitations/challenges, IAF have met all the national defence requirements, and made several strategic contributions. With growing economic interests and national aspirations, expanding interests well beyond our territorial boundaries and prevailing internal security challenges, India's national defence requirements are also increasing. The first Gulf War was a monumental turning point in the war-time employment of aerospace power. Ever since significance of aerospace power in war, crisis and peace time has been gaining ascendency. Kosovo and Libya are the two pertinent examples of the allies virtually relying on aerospace power, without committing any soldiers on the ground. Scrutiny of the emerging global and national trends suggests that employment of the aerospace assets, as well as nation's expectation from the IAF, will continue to rise. Alongside, there is an unplanned fall in flying platforms, weapon systems and pilot strength of the IAF. This study is an attempt to analyse the history of the IAF in war as well as 'other than war operations'; to appreciate the emerging trends in geopolitics, aerospace technology and doctrine; and to identify the likely challenges IAF would be facing in the next two decades and beyond. Road map for transformation of the national security framework, indigenous aerospace industry and the IAF has also been suggested.

India received the first of its contracted Airborne Warning and Control Systems (AWACS) on May 25, 2009, which was formally inducted by Defence Minister A.K. Antony on May 28, 2009. With the induction of the AWACS, India joined a club of only six other nations-the US, Russia, Britain, Japan, Australia and Turkey-that operate such a sophisticated system. The induction of AWACS was eagerly awaited mainly because of its capability to support the nation's politico military strategy in more ways than one. The dominant role of AWACS in air defence operations needs no emphasis, but in addition to air defence, its importance lies in the strategic capabilities that it engenders for national security. That, perhaps, is the reason for an increasing number of nations evaluating and acquiring different versions of airborne early warning systems to meet their national security requirements. The importance of AWACS for national security stems from its capability to provide strategic, operational and tactical solutions, and battlefield intelligence-all from one platform. In addition to typical air defence operations, AWACS have been utilised for power projection, peace enforcement, instruments of coercive diplomacy! and as a strategic C4I and battle management platform!, etc. There are many issues related to AWACS beyond air defence. Where does the operational role finish and strategic importance begin to take over? Are there areas of overlap and do both roles overshadow each other? What would be the effectiveness of AWACS in mountainous terrain? Will it be able to effectively support battlefield air interdiction missions, close air support missions and provide extensive early warning as is expected from AWACS? The next question could be, If the adversary also acquires AWACS, what would be the implications for a nation in conditions of AWACS symmetry? This book will attempt to cover the evolution and operational employment of AWACS in air defence operations and highlight its strategic role in national security. It would then compare AWACS with other air defence systems, study the constraints of AWACS operations in mountainous terrain, how many systems would be needed, the implications for India in case of AWACS symmetry, and some of the viable and cost effective options that will not replace AWACS, but complement its operations for a developing country like ours.

The United Nations Academic Impact (UNAI) is a UN global initiative that seeks to align institutions of higher learning with the United Nations in actively supporting ten universally accepted principles in the areas of human rights, literacy, sustainability and conflict resolution. The University of Calcutta has been a founding partner of the UNAI initiative and Institute of Foreign Policy Studies (IFPS), University of Calcutta is its principal organ in this respect. This anthology of essays came out of a UNAI seminar organized by the IFPS engaging with the various dimensions of the phenomenon of globalization and its impact, both within national boundaries and across these.

Barely seven years after the Wright Brothers flew for the first time a heavier than air machine at Kitty Hawk, North Carolina, USA, in 1903, the first crates containing two Boxkite aeroplanes landed at Karachi. In December 1910, they flew in the Indian skies for the first time, heralding the coming of the air age to India. It was, however, in early 1916, with the pressure of war on, that the British government decided to send military aeroplanes to India. Prior to that, a flying school had been opened in early 1914 but due to the war, it closed down. Thereafter, the miniscule presence of the Royal Flying Corps/Royal Air Force (RFC/RAF) in India (mostly in the North-West Frontier area) steadily increased and served right through the Twenties and Thirties, until World War II began and beyond it up to 1947. This was the period when the tactics and organisational structure of the new service gradually changed through innovation and emulation of the other two services until the Indian Air Force (IAF) came into existence in October 1932. It was in this period that there was a demand for Indians to be recruited into the RAF. The British flatly refused but eventually conceded that a separate service for India should be established. However, this period of nearly 20-25 years saw the slow but steady growth of the organisation and formulating of rules, regulations, uniforms, rank structure, methods, tactics and utilisation of the changing technology that brought better and more powerful aeroplanes for use. While Britain has its own history of the RAF, India does not have any history that explains the how, why and where of the operations in India. And once the IAF was set up, it naturally followed the pattern on which the RAF had been set up. For the past over sixty years, the IAF has its own history but does not have any detailed account of how the RAF was managed and the introduction of many operations and actions that laid the foundation of the IAF. From the logo on the aircraft, to squadron histories, the constant upgradation of technology and adoption of the RAF's customs and traditions, these were not recorded. This book is an attempt to place on record the facts and events to show how the Air Force was set up and by trial and error, reached the heights of glory of today's IAF. This narrative is in the nature of describing the base on which the foundation was gradually laid and subsequently expanded.

There was a time, when the high and mighty Himalayas all along our northern borders were considered to be impregnable, making India safe from any aggression from the north. But, unfortunately, the myth of the Himalayan infallibility was shattered by the late Fifties, when the Chinese started making aggressive moves all along our Himalayan border and the threat from the north was looming large, from Ladakh in the west to the North East Frontier Agency (NEFA) in the east. Thus, the Army had to spread out and deploy all over one of the highest, most inhospitable and desolate places on earth necessitating the stupendous task of airlift to provide it logistic support. A task that becomes even more commendable when we consider that this was done half a century ago when the Air Force was smaller, resources were meagre and the biggest aircraft available for the task was the Packet, a twin piston engine aircraft with a limited ceiling. Much of the credit for the airlift operations under such difficult conditions goes to the late Air Marshal L.S. Grewal, then a Wing Commander, who led the operations from the front with his dedication, courage and flying ability. But, unfortunately, before the Army could fully prepare the defences along the border, in October 1962, the Chinese, crossed our eastern border in NEFA and took the Indian Army by surprise. Though the Air Force responded to the Army's request promptly and dropped tons of equipment and rations, the Chinese thrust was so sudden and overwhelming that the Army had to retreat in terrible haste and total chaos, and having no time to pick up the supplies from the dropping zones, had to abandon them where they were.

The rationale of most contemporary change scan be traced back to economics; creativity and economics have combined for effecting most changes in the world. The drive for resource optimisation is no different; a welcome by product is environment protection. In the context of the military, economics relates not only to costs but also the prospect of operational gains. Therefore, this book, while exhorting the military hierarchy to realise their potential as environmental leaders, has demonstrated how resource optimisation is conducive for increasing operational effectiveness. While the military organisations are in focus here, the lessons of resource optimisation covered in the book are easily applied to any large industry set-up. It is the race to control natural resources that would define global hot spots of the future. The country that reduces its dependence on these resources would not expose its flank to the adversary. Reducing consumption levels is also desirable for preventing environmental degradation. This convergence of interests is a win-win situation that only requires a will and innovative approach towards organisational functioning, from procurement, technology transfers, energy consumption, training, etc., to auditing the implementation of the optimisation process. These aspects have been explained in the book mostly with case studies to make it interesting even for the environment sceptics. It is hoped that this book would provide ideas to readers on ways of conserving resources in their daily lives - at home and at work. The importance of publicising organisational efforts in the social domain finds special mention as this does not yet seem to be in the ethos of the Indian military. The overarching connect between social and military matters is implicit in contemporary society. This book would, thus, appeal equally to the military and the corporate leaders.

The book traverses several pathways including the basics of science and geography, geopolitics and international relations, strategic and security studies, policy-related and diplomatic dialogues, as-well as socio-cultural and economic perspectives in order to bring out a holistic picture of how environmental change has shaped the international system and India's position in it. The central argument of the book that environmental change can change/is changing geography and in turn can change/is changing international relations has been substantiated by detailed analysis of the drivers of India's environmental policies, international climate change negotiations, role of state and non-state actors in the international environmental discourse both in theory and practice, and finally the interconnectedness between environmental change and national security. The volume tries to find the right balance between the international scene embodied by the negotiations driven by hardcore economics on the one hand, and the domestic realities of India that steer its climate change policy based on energy security and developmental concerns. The need to address the larger issue of environmental change rather than concentrating on one aspect of it - climate change - to reduce the amount of polarisation that surrounds the global environmental debate especially in the wake of the introduction of the issue at the United Nations Security Council, has been reiterated throughout the work. It contains policy recommendations in terms of methods of adaptation, mitigation, energy management/diversification, enhancement of the role of think tanks as well as diplomatic manoeuvring (principles-based) at the climate change negotiations and other international debates. This area of study is comparatively new in India while the West has been dedicating a significant amount of resources towards research in energy and environmental security for the past two decades. Therefore, one of the objectives of the book is to evolve an Indian perspective on these strategic issues in a Western literature-dominated arena. Though the book brings to light several gaping holes in India's policy and strategy, it contends that India has a plethora of options and opportunities to not only maintain its own national security but also help the world 'adapt' and 'mitigate' in times of environmental chang

There is an apparent global power shift from the West to the East, essentially due to the rise of India and China and, as a consequence, the US has called for greater presence in the East in the midst of a major economic crisis and huge defence cuts. Many, after the Cold War, considered the international order to be unipolar; however, the rise of India and China, with Russia, Japan and South Korea assuming significant roles, appears to indicate a shift to a polycentric global order. Hence, the Indo-Russia dialogue assumes critical importance in the 21st century as a result of new evolving power centres and the relative decline of some older ones. The proceedings of the seminar highlight the requirement of a new relationship based on the Indo-Russia framework rather than on the earlier Indo-Soviet model in the midst of the changing regional strategic landscape. The book also draws attention to the shift in the US policy in East Asia. The economic and military rise of China and India; the lacklustre economic performance of Japan; the emergence of India as a nuclear weapon power; and the relative decline of US credibility as a security provider have altered the strategic landscape of the region. China's assertiveness and North Korea's emergence as a nuclear power are challenging the US presence in the region and, therefore, forcing the US defence policy to 'Look East'. .is book brings out an exciting analysis of future Indo-Russia relations based on defence, civil nuclear energy, space and science and technology.

The scope of maintenance functions in the Indian Air Force (IAF) is vast. The need for a very specialised professional conduct in each one of these is obvious from the width of deliberations in this book. Further, the reader can appreciate the virtues of an integrated approach to maintenance. The text is, therefore, as relevant to the aircrew as it is to the engineers, technicians and logisticians. The paradigm of maintenance has attained a unique character over the years in the IAF despite legacies from its British genesis. Maintenance philosophies have been adaptively developed to support ever growing air power dimensions and exclusive indigenous requirements. A maintenance engineer in the IAF gets involved with every engineering aspect of planning, design/development, acquisition and projects besides maintenance and logistics support to operations. Unlike most other air forces, the communications and Information Technology (IT) disciplines are also taken on by the maintenance man in the IAF. All activities within the maintenance arena have been dealt with ingeniously in this book. This book reviews diverse fields of engineering activities. Beginning with the need for an organisational fusion, an array of specialised functions has been presented to finally suggest an integrated maintenance approach. Quality discipline and goal alignment are prime factors - emphasis on these runs through all the discussions. Learning from nearly four decades of experience in the Air Force, a few mindsets have been highlighted, with suggestions for a paradigm shift. It is always fascinating to relive memories of leaders who shaped our destiny. These examples have the potential to send a surge of renewed motivation through every air warrior. The chapter on the work force is a tribute to the commitment of airmen and civilians. This book is a first in many ways. The need for transformational thinking with a systems' view has been advocated for all actions related to a subject as sedate as maintenance. Contributions from different variables viz. infrastructure, material, technology, processes and people, above all, have to be in sync to produce the desired air power outcome. The objective of this book is not to prescribe a solution but to provoke thinking about new paradigms for improvement.

The question that faces governments and militaries the world over is how best to allocate resources for management of defence in the new age. This book, by Shri A.K. Ghosh who has an economics background, explores the framework for change in resource allocation and capability building. It emphasises the importance of introducing programming in Indian defence to serve as a link between defence planning and budgeting. The mismatch between defence planning and budgeting needs to be connected by the introduction of resource constrained budgeting, having a multi-year perspective. The RMA, force modernisation, cost-benefit analysis, management of risks, and internal and external audits are among the many issues the author has provided a perspective on. It is argued by the author that defence needs to be viewed as a giant business and, where possible, business practices should be introduced. The book is recommended reading for the planners and decision-makers of defence management and will benefit readers from the armed forces as well. The lay readers interested in the subject of national defence and security will also find it useful and interesting.

Air Commodore Jasjit Singh was one of India's foremost strategic analysts. The only constant for him in over three decades of research, analyses and writing was the centrality of national interest. Indeed, the man never let the nation down, whether as an air warrior or a strategist - ever ready to voice his views irrespective of how the wind was blowing - and always remaining practical in approach. Ever an optimist, he believed that India would inevitably rise to power by the sheer size of its economy and human resource potential. A greater concern for him, however, was the need to sensitize his compatriots to the national security challenges that would arise as the country rose, and to equip them with the capability to optimally address these. He did so through his writings and talks. This book is a modest compilation of his select writings on two specific issues - nuclear strategy and Pakistan - since he considered these as critical amongst India's many security challenges. Of course, the range of Jasjit Singh's writings and the expanse of his knowledge is immense and beyond capture in one book. But, this is a small effort in the direction of spreading his message/ideas to the current and future generation of scholars and policy makers. Hopefully, it will encourage students of national security to look for more of his writings beyond the few that we have been able to carry in this volume.

Within the revised format of Eurasian studies, prime attention has been given not merely to how Eurasia's regions positioned themselves in the context of post-Soviet political transition but also how these regions reinvented themselves through a re-envisioning of spatial categories like Slavic Eurasia, Central Eurasia, Central Asia, Inner Asia, etc. with centuries-old and millennia-old time scales. The significance of historical interludes has been emphasised and there has been an urgency to study Eurasia's Slavic, Turkic, Persian and Mongolian historical legacies. Some of these ideas have echoed in India too. Over time, connected histories of South Asia and Central Asia received greater attention. Such ideas are pointers to the "sprawl" in Eurasian studies. The volume here comprises writings that reflect an array of opinions about spaces in Eurasian history, myriad features of regime transformation, sets and subsets of Eurasian integration, dialectics of external intervention and arbitration in the socialist bloc and cultural expressions reflecting the mood and sentiment of the people in the lived-in space. An interesting feature in this collection is the Indian perspective-focusing on intricacies of an Indian connection. The purpose of this volume is to integrate a variety of opinions about region as a pivotal subject in Eurasian studies but not limit its attention to the concept of region as a spatial category.

The Indian Air Force is today 82 years old, a battle-scarred, highly professional force. How it reached this level is an epic saga of struggle against bias and racial prejudice for the officers and men from early thirties to the beginning of World War II. The charge was that Indians lacked leadership qualities and could not fly military aircraft and technically maintain them. In just three years, IAF technicians and pilots imbibed the discipline of the Air Force and performed magnificently in the North West Frontier Province. By 1939, when the war broke out, there was just one squadron. In 1941-42, the Japanese onslaught on Burma provided the IAF with an opportunity to show its competence and leadership in battle. As the Allied armies were retreating, along with the RAF, the IAF provided air cover. By 1944-45, there were nine squadrons and till the end of the war there were constantly in action. History records events taking an impersonal view. What our younger generations need to know is people. Without people there are no units and no organization. This narrative is an effort to bring to the reader the fierce joy at fighting for the country, the professional pride of doing one's duty and finally the personal touch: "I did it." Through the mouths of youngsters (who are no longer youngsters and some who have passed away) the reader can imagine himself to be there whether in the North-West tribal region, or flying over the thick jungles of Burma. It is the first-person account that provides the flesh and blood to history by describing hopes, fears, and pride in facing death and the enemy at close quarters on the frontier or in Burma. The narrative has interviews with those who took part in operations. This is a story of the Indian Air Force coming of age after being bloodied in war.

This study offers an assessment of the Indian Intervention in East Pakistan in 1971 by locating it within the framework of Just War Theory. The Just War Theory has evolved two streams of thought in judging the use of force. These are the jus ad bellum (recourse to war) and the jus in bello (conduct in war). The jus ad bellum has six principles. They include: just cause, competent authority, right intention, force must be the last resort, proportionality of ends and probability of success. Jus in bello has two principles; namely, proportionality of means, and discrimination and non-combatant immunity. The study makes the argument that the Indian intervention in East Pakistan qualifies as one of the fit cases of humanitarian intervention when judged through the criteria of Just War Theory as it resulted in a positive humanitarian outcome for the East Pakistanis. India's argument was that its use of force was in conformity with the humanitarian purposes of the UN Charter. The intervention not only ended the West Pakistan military operation in the East, but also restored the political rights of the Bengalis. The intervention also enabled the ten million or so Bengali refugees, who had fled from East Pakistan to India, to return home. India's decision to intervene in East Pakistan certainly had mixed motives - it was informed by humanitarianism and was also strongly influenced by its national interests. In the end, the intervention was vindicated as the end result was a positive humanitarian outcome for the East Pakistanis. The study offers detailed discussion on the events that led to the intervention as well as undertakes an in-depth analysis of the intervention from the perspective of Just War. It provides thoughtful analysis on the recourse and conduct of India's intervention in East Pakistan with critical lessons for humanitarian interventions in general especially on significant normative criteria like right intention, probability of success, force as last resort, proportionality of means and ends, and non-combatant immunity.

The Pakistan Army has always occupied a dominant position in Pakistan. It has been customary to refer to the '3 As' governing power equations in Pakistan - "Allah, America & Army," of which certainly the Army has proved most omnipotent. This monograph traces the historical influences which shaped the Army's functioning. It delineates how the Army is adapting its doctrinal moorings to new priorities, both in respect of its arch-enemy - India and newly emerging domestic terrorism threats. A critical view is taken of how the Army has tried to balance peace negotiations with selected 'Good Taliban' in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas with use of newly learnt military tactics of counter-terror operations. It studies ethnic factors which influenced initial recruitment, imparting a predominantly Punjabi character and more recent efforts to change the Army's ethnic profile. It also examines the impact of Islamic conservative ideas as the Army grappled with the war against terror after 9/11. An effort has been made to examine mistakes made in domestic and foreign policies while the Army remained at the helm, the ISI's evolution to its dominant position seen through the Afghanistan prism, the setback to the Army's image after Osama bin Laden's killing by American special forces in Abbottabad in May 2011, which cumulatively dimmed its lustre in the perceptions of people in Pakistan. The monograph also looks at compulsions of the civil-military relationship even as Pakistan seems poised for the next phase of a democratic political makeover, which if allowed to happen smoothly, may well herald a process of gradually sending the Army back into the barracks. Even if this happens, the Army is unlikely to easily relinquish control over key areas of geo-strategic policy-making extending to India, Afghanistan and the nuclear policy. It may not, however, be averse to let the civilian political transition proceed as long as it is allowed to have a controlling veto over these issues from behind the scene.

For the last few decades, cruise missiles have been increasingly used and are in the process of unabated spread. While the major powers have used this Big Stick conveniently in increasing numbers, the developing countries and in them the poor man's arsenal. But why and how they have evolved, and what its likely implications, are not seriously been debated. is study, therefore, is an endeavour to define various contours of cruise missiles and their evolution which now seem moving towards a matured stage. It identifies the trend and nuances of cruise missile spread by enquiring the utility, motive and future of them in different strategic scenarios. While visualising cruise missiles as the weapons of the future, the book suggests for a joint approach of cruise missile control and defence to contain their spread and to manage the threat.

The core theme of this study is analysis of the revamped institutional mechanism and the recent initiatives that are in the process of being implemented in the context of managing disasters in India. While discussing some of the major concerns relating to institutional mechanisms for managing disasters, the book provides inputs and recommends suitable measures to improve the overall framework. Recommendations are towards making the institutional mechanism, comprising the government and non-government organisations, community and as well as individuals, more responsive through a participative, collaborative and professional approach to managing disasters. The book suggests a willing, collective, participatory, professional and collaborative approach integrating individuals, communities, organisations at local, district, state, national, regional and international levels for a relatively disaster free environs. It advocates a comprehensive framework incorporating the political, social, economic, scientific and technological fields, well integrated with the development process of the country, supported by the techno-legal/statutory provisions and strict enforcement strategies. Author's distinguished military background and rich experience in managing organisational behavior as well as in handling aspects of organisational effectiveness and development have helped in succinct analysis of various issues of the subject. The book is an immense resource for research scholars, teachers, Service personnel, media people, policy makers, activists, students, and governmental and non-governmental organisations on disaster management.

Experts have repeatedly affirmed that the military debacle of 1962 is directly attributable to the failure of the Higher Defence Management. If the Indian leadership of 1947 had the resolve to establish the Higher Defence Organisation (HDO) through a Cabinet resolution within weeks of gaining independence, what went wrong in the first fifteen years? The Kargil episode was another sad reminder of the state of affairs, as brought out by the Kargil Review Committee and the Group of Ministers' (GoM's) report on Reforming the National Security System. This book dwells in detail on various reforms undertaken since Kargil and surveys the shortcomings that continue to plague defence decision-making in India. Almost a decade after the submission of the GoM's report, the book is an aide memoire of the fact that the time has arrived to take a fresh look at higher defence and analyse where we stand now. Exploring the past and discovering the genesis of Indian Defence Management since the Vedic Age, the book covers a large ground in analysing the role of HDO during the inter-state conflicts since independence, issues in defence planning, post-Kargil reforms, functioning of the Chiefs of Staffs Committee, the CDS impasse and the functioning of the National Security Mechanism. Besides being a rich source of information to students of history, politics and military science, the book will be of immense value to policy-makers, defence personnel and even the general public whose stability and prosperity are indirectly impinged upon a strong military driven by a robust HDO.